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Solo and leader-chorus singing is done in the
North, notably in such groups s the Bontoc, Ibaloi,
Kalinga and Negrito. In the South, on the other hand,
while unaccompanied singing seems to be the predilection
of a majority of the indigenous groups, a kind of
singing done with instrumental accompaniment is
practiced among certain groups, like the Tausog, who
sing with their gabbang (bamboo xylophone) and/or biola.
Both types of singing – the leader-chorus and
singing with instrument – may be found in the Central
Philippine groups such as the Mangyan and Tagbanua,
where often singing is done with the flute (Tagbanua),
the guitar or violin (Mangyan), either solo or as a
group with a soloist-leader.
One may be observe a highly divergent and
seemingly endless variety of styles and traditions of
singing in the northern, central and southern Philippine
indigenous communities. For example, the Kalinga of the
North generally sing in short phrases frequently broken
by rests or stops; the Maguindanao of the south sing in
long melismatic phrases; the Mangyan sing mostly in a
monotone with turns at the end of phrases.
 Viewed
as a whole, certain patterns and characteristics of
singing emerge among these groups. First, improvisation
seems to be the rule in song creation. In fact the
quality of the song and the singer if often measured by
his/her ability to improvise fluently and creatively.
Second, there is generally a low and limited range of
notes (more or less an octave) and within this range, a
great number of uncertain pitches, speech-like sounds,
slides, shakes, tremolos or trills are often added to
bring about some flexibility and richness in the singing
despite the narrow range. Third, melodic ornamentations
such as the glissandos, slides and tremolos are not only
accessory but principal elements in music because they
may even determine the structure of a song. Fourth,
since everyone is a singer, there is a greater variety
of voice quality due to differences in age, sex or
cultural factors (e.g. the Manobo sing in a more relaxed
manner and with more embellishments than the Tiruray).
Fifth, a wide variety of scales may be observed. The
scale, however, is, often treated as a flexible
structure upon which equally important elements are
embedded to adorn the scale and render it less obvious.
Sixth, while decrescendos and crescendos (gradual
decrease and increase in volume, respectively) and up
and down movements may be noted in the singing styles of
some groups especially in the South, a syllabic
chant-like monotone singing prevails in many groups.
Chanting utilizes the vocal range of a singer which is
most consistent with his natural speech melody. This is
the reason why sometimes it is difficult to discern
whether a particular enunciation is sung or uttered.
Seventh, there are no exact time elements that limit the
existing vocal forms. Songs create an impression of
remarkable rhythmic freedom, with the rhythm and speed
of singing often governed by the language and
text of the chants. The frequent use of tremolos and
long-held notes highlight the fact that there is no
effort to reach a climactic utterance or a strong
rhythmic drive. Eighth, a large number of reiterated and
marked accents on one vowel (eee ~ 000 ~ uuu) may be noted in the singing of the song texts of
the chants. Ninth, in the leader-chorus type of singing,
instead of harmonic chords, a leader may simply give an
introductory, monodic "intonation" which the
others follow in a quasi-canonic manner, making use of
imitation and singing in unison.
There
are many different vocal forms with specific names and
uses, each one with a particular rhythm of its own.
Songs mark every stage of human development from birth
and infancy to adulthood and death, night and day, and
many occasions in the cycle of natural events and the
flow of human activities whether personal, social,
economic, political, spiritual or cosmic. Songs that
pertain to the life-cycle of an individual are the
Kalinga appros, sung for half a day after the
child's birth and the luguh maulud of the Tausog,
which is sung to celebrate the birth of Mohammed. There
are many kinds of children's songs such as the Kalinga kawayanna
for the tying of the child's first necklace; the
Maranao bakbato and the Tausog lia-lia.
There are countless lullabies, among which are the chag-ay
sa maseypan of the Bontoc the iyaya of the
Mangyan, the binua of the Badjao. There are also
the adolescent songs - the Bontoc ayegka, sung
for visiting friends and the Maranao kasingbaga~kanada~tudatu
ago kanbaibai, group singing by boys and girls.
There
are genealogical chants, courtship songs by adolescents
and love songs for adolescents and love songs for adults
- the Kalinga ading, the Tingguian inegegkak
si labago and the Tausog sindil, a dialogue
song described as a song of insinuation. There are songs
related to marriage like the Tingguian rice-pounding
song imma-isa-i-isa and the nan-sob-oy (Sagada)
which is chanted at the conclusion of the wedding
ceremonies. The Maranao sarongkawit is a girl's
song of displeasure on a marriage proposal, while the
lakitan tells of a boy's request that his mother propose
marriage to a girl he fancies.
And
of course, death and the spirit world bring to the fore
a big collection of songs on death and the burial
rituals, like the Maranao dikir, a funeral or
wake song, and the an-nako, a Bontoc song for
funerals occasioned by natural death. The lbaloi too
have their ba-diw, which uses a leader-chorus
type of singing during "death watches",
centering on the character and activities of the
deceased and the hope of gaining favors for the living
from the spirit-relatives.
 Besides
songs relating to the lifecycle, there are also work
songs. These include the Bontoc ayoweng, a field
work song and the soweey, a song for
rice-pounding; flalok to sawa, a Bilaan harvest
song which helps harvesters forget the heat and thus
work faster; hunting songs; narrative songs for
entertainment and relaxation during the evenings and
also for the entertainment of visitors, such as the tenis-tenis,
an impromptu Samal song of four-line stanzas with an
a,a,a,a rhyme whose words often joke or chide those
present, or simply tell stories; songs for the blessing
of a new house; songs for debates, pleading of cases
or for plain conversations; didactic songs based on
the Qur'an for the Muslims; feasting songs; songs for
dancing; battle songs; songs for curing boils and
stomach ache, for preventing sickness in the community,
for chanting in the presence of a person who is fatally
ill or for accompanying the administering of a massage;
not to mention countless epics and legends that tell of
heroic exploits which are sung in all the important
celebrations such as during wakes, weddings, weeding
time, but most especially during harvest time. There
are other songs of broad social utility such as the
ltneg oggayam (ballad), the salidum-ay
(which is sung even by school groups today) and the dalleng
of the Tingguian.
As
a whole, the ethnic songs serve as a vehicle for the
expression not only of these peoples' thoughts, dreams,
recollections and desires, but also of matters that
otherwise may not be acceptable in speech or ordinary
conversation. The response, if there is to be one, must
also be rendered in song because traditional methods of
communication depend not only on speech and memory but
also on song.
Nature
has played a great role in shaping up the music
technology and aesthetics of the various ethnic musical
traditions. Ethnic musical instruments are primarily
objects of nature as they consist mainly of bamboo,
wood, shell, animal skin and metal; just as many of the
melodies and rhythms of tribal chants imitate some
aspects of nature's sounds and movements.
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